Campbell and Ratner argued in their Foreign Affairs article (July/August 2018) that U.S. diplomatic and political engagement with Beijing has not brought long expected political and economic openness to China. They also contend that neither military power nor regional balancing has stopped Beijing from seeking to displace the U.S. as the regional hegemon. Identify the economic, diplomatic and security policies pursued by the Clinton, Bush and Obama Administrations that sought to liberalise China’s internal development and external behaviour in support of the U.S.-led neoliberal global order. Refer to one of the following critiques of the Campbell and Ratner reading made by Wang Jisi, Stapleton Roy, Aaron Friedberg, Christensen & Kim, Nye or Li. In your opinion, which of these authors makes the most persuasive critique for or against Campbell and Ratner’s argument? Back up your point of view with supporting evidence.

QUESTION

Campbell and Ratner argued in their Foreign Affairs article (July/August 2018) that U.S. diplomatic and political engagement with Beijing has not brought long expected political and economic openness to China. They also contend that neither military power nor regional balancing has stopped Beijing from seeking to displace the U.S. as the regional hegemon. Identify the economic, diplomatic and security policies pursued by the Clinton, Bush and Obama Administrations that sought to liberalise China’s internal development and external behaviour in support of the U.S.-led neoliberal global order. Refer to one of the following critiques of the Campbell and Ratner reading made by Wang Jisi, Stapleton Roy, Aaron Friedberg, Christensen & Kim, Nye or Li. In your opinion, which of these authors makes the most persuasive critique for or against Campbell and Ratner’s argument? Back up your point of view with supporting evidence.

ANSWER

Examining U.S. Policies on China: Assessing the Critiques of Campbell and Ratner

Introduction

In their Foreign Affairs article titled “The China Reckoning” (July/August 2018), Campbell and Ratner assert that U.S. engagement with Beijing has failed to induce desired political and economic openness within China. They also argue that China’s ambition to displace the United States as the regional hegemon persists, despite various attempts at military power and regional balancing. This essay will analyze the economic, diplomatic, and security policies pursued by the Clinton, Bush, and Obama administrations with the aim of liberalizing China’s internal development and external behavior. Furthermore, it will assess one of the critiques offered by Wang Jisi, Stapleton Roy, Aaron Friedberg, Christensen & Kim, Nye, or Li against Campbell and Ratner’s argument. Based on supporting evidence, we will determine which author presents the most persuasive critique.

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Campbell and Ratner argued in their Foreign Affairs article (July/August 2018) that U.S. diplomatic and political engagement with Beijing has not brought long expected political and economic openness to China. They also contend that neither military power nor regional balancing has stopped Beijing from seeking to displace the U.S. as the regional hegemon. Identify the economic, diplomatic and security policies pursued by the Clinton, Bush and Obama Administrations that sought to liberalise China’s internal development and external behaviour in support of the U.S.-led neoliberal global order. Refer to one of the following critiques of the Campbell and Ratner reading made by Wang Jisi, Stapleton Roy, Aaron Friedberg, Christensen & Kim, Nye or Li. In your opinion, which of these authors makes the most persuasive critique for or against Campbell and Ratner’s argument? Back up your point of view with supporting evidence.
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Economic Policies

The Clinton administration pursued a policy of engaging China through trade and economic integration. The passage of the U.S.-China Relations Act of 2000 granted China permanent normal trade relations status (Lardy, 2016). This policy aimed to promote economic reforms and market liberalization within China, with the expectation that increased economic interdependence would lead to political openness.

During the Bush administration, a similar approach was adopted. The U.S. supported China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which further opened China’s economy to global markets. Proponents argued that integrating China into the global trading system would foster economic interdependence, promote rule-based trade practices, and encourage China to adhere to international norms.

Under the Obama administration, efforts were made to establish the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue. This forum aimed to address economic imbalances, promote investment, and encourage China’s adherence to international economic norms. However, concerns were raised regarding intellectual property theft, unfair trade practices, and insufficient progress in addressing market access barriers.

Diplomatic Policies

The diplomatic policies pursued by the Clinton, Bush, and Obama administrations focused on engagement, dialogue, and constructive competition with China. The U.S. sought to build a cooperative relationship while addressing areas of disagreement (THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION AND CHINA: POSITIVE BUT FRAGILE EQUILIBRIUM on JSTOR, n.d.). These policies included regular high-level dialogues, such as the Strategic Economic Dialogue and the U.S.-China High-Level Consultation on People-to-People Exchange.

Security Policies

In terms of security policies, the U.S. aimed to promote regional stability and prevent conflict. The Clinton administration pursued a policy of engagement with China, emphasizing confidence-building measures and military exchanges. The Bush administration continued these efforts and sought to integrate China into regional security frameworks, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable? On JSTOR, n.d.). The Obama administration implemented the policy of a “rebalance to Asia,” which aimed to strengthen alliances, enhance military presence, and improve defense cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region.

Critique by Stapleton Roy

Stapleton Roy, a former U.S. ambassador to China, offers a critique of Campbell and Ratner’s argument. Roy argues that the U.S. engagement strategy has indeed achieved significant positive results. He highlights China’s economic reforms, integration into the global trading system, and increased participation in international organizations. Roy contends that China’s actions are not solely driven by a desire to displace the U.S., but also by its own domestic considerations and regional dynamics.

Roy’s critique is persuasive as it acknowledges the accomplishments of U.S. engagement with China, particularly in the economic realm. He recognizes that China’s trajectory is shaped by a complex interplay of factors beyond U.S. policy influence. Moreover, Roy’s extensive experience as an ambassador to China lends credibility to his analysis.

Conclusion

The economic, diplomatic, and security policies pursued by the Clinton, Bush, and Obama administrations sought to promote China’s political and economic openness while maintaining stability in the region. Stapleton Roy’s critique of Campbell and Ratner’s argument offers a persuasive counterpoint. Roy highlights the achievements of U.S. engagement with China and emphasizes the multifaceted nature of China’s actions. His analysis provides a more nuanced understanding of the complexities surrounding U.S.-China relations.

References

Lardy, N. R. (2016, July 28). U.S.-China Economic Relations: Implications for U.S. Policy. Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/testimonies/u-s-china-economic-relations-implications-for-u-s-policy/ 

The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable? on JSTOR. (n.d.). https://www.jstor.org/stable/4137594 

THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION AND CHINA: POSITIVE BUT FRAGILE EQUILIBRIUM on JSTOR. (n.d.). https://www.jstor.org/stable/42704683 

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